Pregnancy outcomes among women with polycystic ovary syndrome treated with metformin.
(57/453)
BACKGROUND: We sought to determine whether metformin, which had facilitated conception in 72 oligoamenorrhoeic women with polycystic ovary syndrome (PCOS), would safely reduce the rate of first trimester spontaneous abortion (SAB) and increase the number of live births without teratogenicity. METHODS: Seventy-two oligoamenorrheic women with PCOS conceived on metformin (2.55 g/day). They were prospectively assessed in an outpatient clinical research centre. Outcome measures included number of first trimester SAB, live births, normal ongoing pregnancies >or=13 weeks, gestational diabetes (GD), congenital defects (CD), birthweight and height, as well as weight, height, and motor and social development during the first 6 months of life. RESULTS: Of the 84 fetuses, to date there have been 63 normal live births without CD (75%), 14 first trimester SAB (17%), and seven ongoing pregnancies >or=13 weeks with normal sonograms without CD (8%). Previously, without metformin, 40 of the 72 women had 100 pregnancies (100 fetuses) with 34 (34%) live births and 62 (62%) first trimester SAB. In current pregnancies on metformin in these 40 women (46 pregnancies, 47 fetuses), there have been 33 live births (70%), two pregnancies ongoing >/=13 weeks (4%), and 12 SAB (26%) (P < 0.0001). There was no maternal lactic acidosis, and no maternal or neonatal hypoglycaemia. Fasting entry serum insulin was a significant explanatory variable for total (previous and current) first trimester SAB, odds ratio 1.32 (for each 5 micro U/ml rise in insulin), 95% CI 1.09-1.60 (P = 0.005). On metformin, GD developed in 4% of pregnancies versus 26% of previous pregnancies without metformin, P = 0.025. There have been no major CD in the 63 live births or CD by sonography in the seven fetuses +info)
Economic transition and maternal health care for internal migrants in Shanghai, China.
(59/453)
Economic migration and growth in informal employment in many of the major cities of developing countries, combined with health sector reforms that are increasingly relying on insurance and out-of-pocket payment, are raising concerns about equity and sustainability of economic and social development. In China, the number of internal migrants has dramatically grown since economic transition started in 1980, and maternal health care for these is a pressing issue to be addressed. To provide information for policy-makers and health administrators, a medical records review, a questionnaire survey and qualitative interviews were carried out in Minhang District, Shanghai. This paper describes important inequities in main maternal health outcomes and utilization indicators relating to economic and social transformation of the Chinese society. Analysis of the data collected clarifies that insufficient antenatal care is one of the main determinants for poor maternal health outcomes and that migrants are using antenatal care services significantly less than permanent residents. The data suggest that there is no single explanatory factor, but that migrants are faced with a package of obstacles to accessing health care services, and that health systems may need to rethink and redesign their delivery approaches to specifically target those groups that are faced with such multi-faceted packages of obstacles to service-access. Although the study addresses a specific Chinese phenomenon related to internal migration and registration of residency, parallels can be drawn to other settings where a combination of economic and social transitions of the society and a reform of health care financing are potentially creating the same conditions of significant inequalities. (+info)
Lessons for (and from) America.
(60/453)
Drawing lessons from international experience for health care reform in the United States requires striking a difficult balance between historical determinism and free will, between cynical pessimism and naive optimism. The key to this puzzle may lie in a paradox: the United States is the most successful exporter of public health policy ideas and instruments yet has failed to build an effective health care system. General ideas (like notions about the role of competition) and microinstruments (like diagnosis-related groups) travel better than do health care systems. Ideas can be adapted to local circumstances, and instruments may easily fit into preexisting systems. Importing systems from countries with different histories and institutions would require a tectonic shift in the American political landscape. (+info)
Policy without politics: the limits of social engineering.
(61/453)
The extent of coverage provided by a country's health services is directly related to the level of development of that country's democratic process (and its power relations). The United States is the only developed country whose government does not guarantee access to health care for its citizens. It is also the developed country with the least representative and most insufficient democratic institutions, owing to the constitutional framework of the political system, the privatization of the electoral process, and the enormous power of corporate interests in both the media and the political process. As international experience shows, without a strong labor-based movement willing to be radical in its protests, a universal health care program will never be accepted by the US establishment. (+info)
Health care reform and social movements in the United States.
(62/453)
Because of the importance of grassroots social movements, or "change from below," in the history of US reform, the relationship between social movements and demands for universal health care is a critical one. National health reform campaigns in the 20th century were initiated and run by elites more concerned with defending against attacks from interest groups than with popular mobilization, and grassroots reformers in the labor, civil rights, feminist, and AIDS activist movements have concentrated more on immediate and incremental changes than on transforming the health care system itself. However, grassroots health care demands have also contained the seeds of a wider critique of the American health care system, leading some movements to adopt calls for universal coverage. (+info)
The Tuskegee Legacy Project: history, preliminary scientific findings, and unanticipated societal benefits.
(63/453)
This article is intended to provide a relatively complete picture of how a pilot study--conceived and initiated within an NIDCR-funded RRCMOH--matured into a solid line of investigation within that center and "with legs" into a fully funded study within the next generation of NIDCR centers on this topic of health disparities, the Centers for Research to Reduce Oral Health Disparities. It highlights the natural opportunity that these centers provide for multicenter. cross-disciplinary research and for research career pipelining for college and dental school students; with a focus, in this case, on minority students. Futhermore, this series of events demonstrates the rich potential that these types of research centers have to contribute in ways that far exceed the scientific outcomes that form their core. In this instance, the NMOHRC played a central--and critical, if unanticipated--role in contributing to two events of national significance, namely the presidential apology to the African American community for the research abuses of the USPHS--Tuskegee syphilis study and the establishment of the National Center for Bioethics in Research and Health Care at Tuskegee University. Research Centers supported by the NIH are fully intended to create a vortex of scientific activity that goes well beyond the direct scientific aims of the studies initially funded within those centers. The maxim is that the whole should be greater than the sum of its initial constituent studies or parts. We believe that NMOHRC did indeed achieve that maxim--even extending "the whole" to include broad societal impact. well beyond the scope of important, but mere, scientific outcomes--all within the concept and appropriate functions of a scientific NIH-funded research center. (+info)
Retrenchment and restructuring in an age of austerity: what (if anything) can be learned from the affluent democracies?
(64/453)
The article discusses some difficulties of drawing implications from welfare state reform in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development for "middle-income countries", and whose welfare states have been less well institutionalized. It is argued that globalization's role in contemporary social policy dynamics were not unimportant, but social processes occurring within national contexts were probably more important. There is not a single "new politics of the welfare state" but distinct political dynamics in different "regimes" or "configurations", which are characterized by different problem loads and different structures of political opportunity. Different factors are crucial in explaining outcomes in different configurations and there is little reason to expect much convergence in social policy outcomes across regime type. Contemporary welfare state reform is depicted as a process of restructuring rather than dismantling, what can encourage the possibilities for developing coalitions advancing multi-dimensional agendas of welfare state reform. (+info)