Homicide on the job: workplace and community determinants.
(33/490)
Homicide is the second leading cause of death on the job for workers in the United States. To identify workplace-level predictors of homicide risk, a case-control study of worker killings in North Carolina in 1994-1998 was conducted. Workplaces were the units of analysis: case workplaces (n = 105) were those where a worker was killed during the study period, while controls (n = 210) were a density sample of North Carolina workplaces, matched on time and industry sector. Potential risk and protective factors were assessed in telephone interviews with workplace managers. Associations were measured by the exposure odds ratio and 95% confidence interval, estimated via conditional logistic regression. Characteristics associated with notably higher risk included being at the current location for 2 years or less (odds ratio (OR) = 5.3, 95% confidence interval (CI): 2.2, 12.6), having only one worker (OR = 2.9, 95% CI: 1.2, 7.2), and having night (OR = 4.9, 95% CI: 2.7, 8.8) or Saturday (OR = 4.2, 95% CI: 1.9, 9.2) hours. Workplaces with only male employees (OR = 3.1, 95% CI: 1.5, 6.5) or with African-American or Asian employees were also more likely to experience a killing. While few of the preceding risk factors are directly modifiable through workplace interventions, it is important to identify them before developing or evaluating preventive measures. (+info)
Influence of homicide on racial disparity in life expectancy--United States, 1998.
(34/490)
Life expectancy (LE) is an important indicator of the health of populations. Since the early 1900s, when estimates of LE began to be tabulated in the United States, the LE of blacks has been lower than that of whites (1). Homicide, which disproportionately affects blacks, particularly young males, contributes to this difference in LE. To examine the associations between homicide, LE, and race, CDC analyzed 1998 mortality files from the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS). This report summarizes the results of that analysis, which indicate, that in 1998, the LE for blacks was approximately 6 years shorter than for whites and that, after heart disease and cancer, homicide was the next largest contributor to the 6-year discrepancy. Violence prevention strategies (e.g., programs for youth offenders) have been implemented for the general population. More research is needed to determine an approach to target the male black population and to reduce LE disparity. (+info)
Unfinished feticide: the ethical problems.
(35/490)
Dr. Jansen's paper raises three main issues. The one with which he himself is most concerned is the question of which methods of abortion are ethically right, and whether methods which risk the birth of a damaged baby are wrong. But there are two others: first, how the (originally unintended) birth of a live but damaged child alters the moral situation, and secondly, whether the overcoming of sterility by inducing a multiple pregnancy in which some of the fetuses have to be killed in order for any of them to survive is at all morally acceptable. (+info)
Unfinished feticide: a legal commentary.
(36/490)
Jansen expresses concern as to the legal implications of both selective reduction of pregnancy and unsuccessful attempts at termination of pregnancy using mifepristone. This commentary examines the legality of both procedures and concludes that Jansen is over-optimistic in his belief that neither procedure is likely to fall foul of the criminal laws on induced abortion. By contrast his anxieties about civil liability arising from the subsequent live birth of a damaged infant are, it is suggested, unnecessarily pessimistic. Such an action is most unlikely to succeed if brought by the infant herself and any claim on the part of the mother will normally be dependent on proof of negligence. The commentary focusses on the law in England with relevant references to other common law jurisdictions. (+info)
Surveillance for homicide among intimate partners--United States, 1981-1998.
(37/490)
PROBLEM/CONDITION: A substantial percentage of all homicides in the United States are committed by intimate partners of the victims. Among females, approximately 1 in 3 homicides are intimate partner homicides (IPHs). Intimate partner homicides cannot be tracked by using death certificates because death certificates do not record the victim's relationship to the perpetrator. REPORTING PERIOD COVERED: This report summarizes information regarding IPHs that occurred in the United States during 1981-1998. DESCRIPTION OF THE SYSTEM: This report is based on Supplemental Homicide Reports (SHRs) collected by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) as part of their Uniform Crime Reporting System. SHRs are filed voluntarily by police departments for homicides occurring within their jurisdiction. SHRs include demographic variables regarding victims and perpetrators, their relationship, and weapon(s) used. Data from the SHR file were weighted by comparison with homicide data from death certificates to compensate for underreporting. IPHs were restricted to victims aged > or = 10 years. RESULTS: The risk for death from IPH among males was 0.62 times the risk among females. However, the rate among black males was 1.16 times the rate among black females. Among racial groups, rates among blacks were highest, and the rates among Asian or Pacific Islanders were lowest. Rates were highest among females aged 20-49 years and among males aged 30-59 years. During the study period, rates among white females decreased 23%, and rates among white males decreased 61.9%. Rates among black females decreased 47.6%, and rates among black males decreased 76.4%. Highest rates occurred in the southern and western states among both white and black females. A graded increase in IPH risk occurred with community population size. Approximately 50% of IPHs were committed by legal spouses and 33% by boyfriends or girlfriends for both male and female victims. IPH rates were less than expected during the months of January, October, and November. INTERPRETATION: Although total homicide rates have fluctuated during 1981-1998, IPH rates have decreased steadily during this period, and among certain subpopulations, the decrease has been substantial. Decreases are temporally associated with the introduction of social programs and legal measures to curb intimate partner violence, but a causal relationship has not been established. Likewise, no confirmed explanation exists for the greater decrease in rates among males compared with rates among females. The differences in IPH rates by race indicate that economic, social, and cultural factors are involved. The analysis by community population size and state demonstrates that regional sociocultural differences might be involved also. Access to firearms might be a key factor in both male and female IPHs. PUBLIC HEALTH ACTIONS: The descriptive epidemiology of IPH is changing rapidly and should continue to be monitored. Understanding the reasons forthe recent decreases in IPHs might help identify methods for primary and secondary prevention and further reduce IPH rates. (+info)
Adolescent and young adult mortality by cause: age, gender, and country, 1955 to 1994.
(38/490)
PURPOSE: To compare mortality rates from motor vehicle accidents (MVA), homicide, and suicide across countries, age groups, and time. METHODS: The World Health Organization Mortality Database was used to construct age- and gender-specific rates in 26 countries for individuals aged 15 to 34 years during the period 1955 to 1994. The rates were adjusted for differences among countries in the age-and-gender distributions of their populations. Cause-specific rates were compared by country, 4-year age groups, 8-year time blocks, and male/female ratios. RESULTS: The proportion of deaths in 15-34-year-olds owing to MVA, homicide, and suicide increased from 26% to 43% over the 40-year study period. Mortality rates differ by country more than time block, peak at ages 15-29 years, and are higher in males than females. Compared to the United States, 24 countries had lower homicide rates and 23 had lower MVA-death rates. CONCLUSIONS: Despite declining rates of death from other causes, the rates of adolescent and young adult death from MVA, homicide, and suicide remain high in countries throughout the world. The proportion of deaths attributable to these causes increased steadily during the latter half of the 20th century. Fatal risk behaviors begin to increase during adolescence but do not peak until age 30 years, suggesting that the target population for prevention extends well beyond the teenage years. (+info)
Temporal variations in school-associated student homicide and suicide events--United States, 1992-1999.
(39/490)
Recent, widely reported violent deaths associated with schools have led many adults to believe that a school shooting could occur in their community and many children to express increasing concern about their own safety at school. CDC, in collaboration with the U.S. Education and Justice departments, has been tracking school-associated violent deaths since the 1992-1993 school year. To evaluate whether the risk for school-associated violent death varies during the school year, CDC analyzed monthly counts of school-associated homicide and suicide events that occurred among students in elementary and secondary (middle, junior high, and senior high) schools in the United States. This report summarizes the results of these analyses, which indicate that student homicide event rates are usually highest near the start of the fall and spring semesters, and suicide event rates are highest during the spring semester. These findings can assist school personnel in planning and implementing violence-prevention programs. (+info)
Effects of Maryland's law banning "Saturday night special" handguns on homicides.
(40/490)
Small, inexpensive, often poorly made handguns known as "Saturday night specials" are disproportionately involved in crime. Maryland banned the sale of Saturday night specials effective January 1, 1990. During the 2 years between the law's passage in 1988 and its effective date, legal handgun sales in Maryland were 34% higher than expected (p = 0.09). Interrupted time-series analysis of age-adjusted homicide rates for 1975-1998 with statistical controls for trends in two neighboring states, social and economic variables, and temporal patterns in Maryland's homicide rates was used to assess the effect of the law. Estimates of the Saturday night special ban effects depended on the assumption made about the timing of the law's effects. Models that assumed a delayed or gradual effect of the Saturday night special ban produced estimates indicating that firearm homicide rates were 6.8-11.5% lower than would have been expected without the Saturday night special ban (p < or =0.05). The model that assumed an immediate, constant change in response to the law showed no law effect, unless an outlier was excluded from the analysis. Excluding this outlier, the model estimated a 15% increase in firearm homicides associated with the Saturday night special ban. None of the models revealed significant law effects on nonfirearm homicides. (+info)