Moving forward: addressing the health of Asian American and Pacific Islander women.
(17/146)
Little is known about the health of Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) women, a rapidly growing population marked by diverse sociodemographic characteristics, health needs, and access to and use of health services. This commentary provides broad recommendations for research, program development, and policy development based on the first-ever White House Initiative report on AAPIs. These recommendations address the issues of data, access, civil rights, community capacity, and the need to recognize ethnic subgroups among the AAPI population. Reflecting on the events of the past year, the recommendations provide direction for public health to address the health and well-being of AAPI women. (+info)
Thomson, the right to life, and partial birth abortion or two MULES for Sister Sarah.
(18/146)
In this paper, I argue that Thomson's famous attempt to reconcile the fetus's putative right to life with robust abortion rights is not tenable. Given her view, whether or not an abortion violates the fetus's right to life depends on the abortion procedure utilised. And I argue that Thomson's view implies that any late term abortion that involves feticide is impermissible. In particular, this would rule out the partial birth abortion technique which has been so controversial of late. (+info)
Tobacco industry manipulation of the hospitality industry to maintain smoking in public places.
(19/146)
OBJECTIVE: To describe how the tobacco industry used the "accommodation" message to mount an aggressive and effective worldwide campaign to recruit hospitality associations, such as restaurant associations, to serve as the tobacco industry's surrogate in fighting against smoke-free environments. METHODS: We analysed tobacco industry documents publicly available on the internet as a result of litigation in the USA. Documents were accessed between January and November 2001. RESULTS: The tobacco industry, led by Philip Morris, made financial contributions to existing hospitality associations or, when it did not find an association willing to work for tobacco interests, created its own "association" in order to prevent the growth of smoke-free environments. The industry also used hospitality associations as a vehicle for programmes promoting "accommodation" of smokers and non-smokers, which ignore the health risks of second hand smoke for employees and patrons of hospitality venues. CONCLUSION: Through the myth of lost profits, the tobacco industry has fooled the hospitality industry into embracing expensive ventilation equipment, while in reality 100% smoke-free laws have been shown to have no effect on business revenues, or even to improve them. The tobacco industry has effectively turned the hospitality industry into its de facto lobbying arm on clean indoor air. Public health advocates need to understand that, with rare exceptions, when they talk to organised restaurant associations they are effectively talking to the tobacco industry and must act accordingly. (+info)
Science, politics, and ideology in the campaign against environmental tobacco smoke.
(20/146)
The issue of environmental tobacco smoke (ETS) and the harms it causes to nonsmoking bystanders has occupied a central place in the rhetoric and strategy of antismoking forces in the United States over the past 3 decades. Beginning in the 1970s, anti-tobacco activists drew on suggestive and incomplete evidence to push for far-reaching prohibitions on smoking in a variety of public settings. Public health professionals and other antismoking activists, although concerned about the potential illness and death that ETS might cause in nonsmokers, also used restrictions on public smoking as a way to erode the social acceptability of cigarettes and thereby reduce smoking prevalence. This strategy was necessitated by the context of American political culture, especially the hostility toward public health interventions that are overtly paternalistic. (+info)
Meeting the health care needs of persons with disabilities.
(21/146)
The Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ) has established the Office of Priority Populations Research and is currently developing a research agenda to improve health care for persons with disability (PWDs). This article describes the background of and potential for the AHRQ disability agenda and some of the challenges ahead and considers future directions for disability-related health services research. Strategies for this agenda might include ensuring the inclusion of PWDs in current and future health care research studies and database development; support for studies and data focusing exclusively on PWDs; and support for studies of the challenges common to all or most of the priority populations. (+info)
Charges of human immunodeficiency virus discrimination in the workplace: the Americans with Disabilities Act in action.
(22/146)
Congress enacted the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) to provide persons living with the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and other vulnerable populations with legal means of redress against discrimination, yet virtually nothing is known about how the intended beneficiaries have used these protections. This study aimed to describe the epidemiology of ADA charges alleging employment-related discrimination due to HIV and to investigate the charge-filing behavior of workers with HIV. Using a national database of all HIV discrimination charges filed since the inception of the ADA in 1991, the author described respondent employers, issues in dispute, and outcomes of charges. Next, he used multivariate regression analyses to compare the sociodemographic characteristics of charge filers with those of a nationally representative baseline sample of workers with HIV. Of the 3,520 HIV discrimination charges filed through 1999, 18.0% had merit and 14.1% received monetary compensation. Workers who were female (odds ratio (OR) = 0.79, p < 0.01), aged less than 25 years (OR = 0.36, p < 0.01), and aged 25-34 years (OR = 0.77, p < 0.01) filed disproportionately fewer charges. Controlling for underlying rates of discrimination in the baseline population magnified this "underclaiming" among young workers. The findings should help to target dissemination and support activities, designed to help workers take advantage of antidiscrimination protections, at the subgroups of workers who need them most. (+info)
The role of the church in developing the law.
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The church and other community organisations have a legitimate role to play in influencing public policy. However, intervention by the church and other religious bodies in recent litigation in Australia and the United Kingdom raises questions about the appropriateness of such bodies being permitted to intervene directly in the court process as amici curiae. We argue that there are dangers in such bodies insinuating their doctrine under the guise of legal argument in civil proceedings, but find it difficult to enunciate a principled distinction between doctrine and legal argument. We advise that judges should exercise caution in dealing with amicus submissions. (+info)
Commentary on Skene and Parker: the role of a church (or other ideologically based interest group) in developing the law--a plea for ethereal intervention.
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This paper discusses the provocative views of Skene and Parker as to the role of religious or other ideologically based interest groups in law and policy making. We draw distinctions between doctrine and prejudice and between argument and ideology which we trust take the debate further. Finally we recommend an ethereal, democratic, and populist partial solution. (+info)