Repeat abortion and use of primary care health services. (33/41)

One-third (34%) of 2,001 women who sought an abortion in 1991-1992 in Wichita, Kansas, were repeat-abortion patients. Compared with first-time abortion patients, repeat-abortion patients were significantly older, more often black, and younger at their first pregnancy (p < .001). The two groups did not vary significantly by income or age at first intercourse. However, repeat-abortion patients were significantly more likely than first-time patients to have been using a contraceptive method at the time of conception (65% compared with 59%) and more likely to say they always or almost always used a method (63% and 53%, respectively). More than 40% of women in each group reported they had no personal physician. Further, 34% of repeat-abortion patients said they had no follow-up examination after their previous abortion, and 28% said they received no contraceptive counseling. Only half of women whose pregnancy was confirmed by their personal physician obtained an abortion referral from that physician.  (+info)

The impact of requirements for parental consent on minors' abortions in Mississippi. (34/41)

Mississippi data for 1993 indicate that the state's new parental consent requirement had little effect on the abortion rate among minors. In a comparison of Mississippi residents who had abortions during the five months before and the six months after the law went into effect, the ratio of minors to adults who sought abortions in the state declined by 13%, a decrease offset by a 32% increase in the ratio of minors to adults who obtained abortions out of state. There was also a 28% drop in the ratio of minors to adults from other states who had abortions in Mississippi. The parental consent requirement increased by 19% the ratio of minors to adults who obtained their procedure after 12 weeks of gestation.  (+info)

Pregnant teenagers' knowledge and use of emergency contraception.(35/41)

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Factors hindering access to abortion services. (36/41)

Although abortion services are readily available in large urban areas to those able to pay, a 1993 survey of U.S. abortion providers shows that access to service is still problematic for many women because of barriers related to distance, gestation limits, costs and harassment. Among women who have nonhospital abortions, an estimated 24% travel at least 50 miles from their home to the abortion facility. Although 98% of providers will perform abortions at eight weeks after the last menstrual period, only 48% will perform abortions at 13 weeks and 13% at 21 weeks. Half of nonhospital abortion providers estimate that more than four days elapse on average between their patients' first telephone contact and the date of the procedure; one in seven say that more than one week elapses. Most women are able to obtain abortion services in one visit to a clinic. The average woman having a first-trimester nonhospital abortion with local anesthesia paid $296 for the procedure in 1993, up from $251 in 1989. On average, nonhospital facilities charged $604 at 16 weeks of gestation and $1,067 at 20 weeks. Eighty-six percent of nonhospital facilities providing 400 or more abortions in 1992 were the targets of antiabortion harassment. Picketing at facilities and the homes of staff members, vandalism and chemical attacks increased significantly between 1988 and 1992, but the incidence of bomb threats decreased.  (+info)

Abortion applicants: characteristics distinguishing dropouts remaining pregnant and those having abortion. (37/41)

This study, of two groups of women who applied for induced hospital abortion, compares 100 women who had the abortion with 100 women who dropped out to carry to term. Dropout applicants who elected to carry to term had less education, had partners with less education, tended to be indecisive, and when they told their partners tended to receive negative responses toward abortion. In addition, these women expressed greater concern about the procedure and about the moral implications of abortion. Implications of this study for further research on women's and their partners' decision-making about abortion using the Janis-Mann model are discussed.  (+info)

Knowledge and use of secondary contraception among patients requesting termination of pregnancy.(38/41)

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"Abortion on demand".(39/41)

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Mandatory parental involvement in minors' abortions: effects of the laws in Minnesota, Missouri, and Indiana. (40/41)

OBJECTIVES: This study examined the effects of parental involvement laws on the birth rate, in-state abortion rate, odds of interstate travel, and odds of late abortion for minors. METHODS: Poisson and logistic regression models fitted to vital records compared the periods before and after the laws were enforced. RESULTS: In each state, the in-state abortion rate for minors fell (relative to the rate for older women) when parental involvement laws took effect. Data offered no empirical support for the proposition that the laws drive up birth rates for minors. Although data were incomplete, the laws appeared to increase the odds of a minor's traveling out of state for her abortion. If one judges from the available data, minors who traveled out of state may have accounted for the entire observed decline in the in-state abortion rate, at least in Missouri. The laws appeared to delay minors' abortions past the eighth week, but probably not into the second trimester. CONCLUSIONS: Several empirical arguments used against and in support of parental involvement laws do not appear to be substantiated.  (+info)